2014 December UGC NET Paper 1
Question 1 |
CSS stands for
Cascading Style Sheets | |
Collecting Style Sheets | |
Comparative Style Sheets | |
Comprehensive Style Sheets |
Question 2 |
MOOC stands for
Media Online Open Course | |
Massachusetts Open Online Course | |
Massive Open Online Course | |
Myrind Open Online Course |
Question 4 |
gif, jpg, bmp, png are used as extensions for files which store
Audio data | |
Image data | |
Video data | |
Text data |
Question 6 |
Symbols A-F are used in which one of the following?
Binary number system | |
Decimal number system | |
Hexadecimal number system | |
Octal number system |
Question 7 |
In terms of total CO 2 emissions from a country, identity the correct sequence:
U.S.A. > China > India > Russia | |
China > U.S.A. > India > Russia | |
China > U.S.A. > Russia > India | |
U.S.A. > China > Russia > India |
Question 8 |
Match List – I and List – II and identify the correct code:


i ii iii iv | |
iv iii i ii | |
ii iii iv i | |
iii iv ii i |
Question 9 |
Which of the anthropogenic activity accounts for more than 2/3 rd of global water consumption?
Agriculture | |
Hydropower generation | |
Industry | |
Domestic and Municipal usage |
Question 10 |
One of the anthropogenic sources of gaseous pollutants chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) in air is
Cement Industry | |
Fertiliser industry | |
Foam industry | |
Pesticide industry |
Question 11 |
The maximum number of fake institutions / universities as identified by the UGC in the year 2014 are in the State / Union territory of
Bihar | |
Uttar Pradesh | |
Tamil Nadu | |
Delhi |
Question 12 |
Which of the following institutions are empowered to confer or grant degrees under the UGC Act, 1956?
1. A university established by an Act of Parliament.
2. A university established by an Act of Legislature.
3. A university / institution established by a linguistic minority.
4. An institution which is a deemed to be university.
Select the correct answers from the codes given below:
1. A university established by an Act of Parliament.
2. A university established by an Act of Legislature.
3. A university / institution established by a linguistic minority.
4. An institution which is a deemed to be university.
Select the correct answers from the codes given below:
1 and 2 | |
1, 2 and 3 | |
1, 2 and 4 | |
1, 2, 3 and 4 |
Question 13 |
Which of the following are the tools of good governance?
1. Social Audit
2. Separation of Powers
3. Citizen’s Charter
4. Right to Information
1. Social Audit
2. Separation of Powers
3. Citizen’s Charter
4. Right to Information
1, 3 and 4 | |
2, 3 and 4 | |
1 and 4 | |
1, 2, 3, and 4 |
Question 14 |
The cyclone “Hudhud” hit the coast of which State?
Andhra Pradesh | |
Karnataka | |
Kerala | |
Gujarat |
Question 15 |
Which of the following is not a renewable natural resource?
Clean air | |
Fresh water | |
Fertile soil | |
Salt |
Question 16 |
Right to privacy as a Fundamental Right is implied in
Right to Freedom | |
Right to Life and Personal Liberty | |
Right to Equality | |
Right against Exploitation |
Question 17 |
Which of the following organizations deals with “capacity building programe” on Educational Planning?
NCERT | |
UGC | |
NAAC | |
NUEPA |
Question 18 |
Which of the following powers, the President has in relation to Lok Sabha?
1. Summoning
2 Adjournment- sine die
3. Prorogation
4. Dissolution
Select the correct answer from the codes given below:
1. Summoning
2 Adjournment- sine die
3. Prorogation
4. Dissolution
Select the correct answer from the codes given below:
1 and 4 | |
1, 2 and 3 | |
1, 3 and 4 | |
1, 2, 3 and 4 |
Question 19 |
The interval between two sessions of parliament must not exceed
3 months | |
6 months | |
4 months | |
100 days |
Question 20 |
Maximum participation of students during teaching is possible through
Lecture method | |
Demonstration method | |
Inductive method | |
Textbook method |
Question 21 |
Diagnostic evaluation ascertains
Students performance at the beginning of instructions. | |
Learning progress and failures during instructions. | |
Degree of achievements of instructions at the end. | |
Causes and remedies of persistent learning problems during instructions. |
Question 22 |
Instructional aides are used by the teacher to
Glorify the class | |
Attract the students | |
Clarify the concepts | |
Ensure discipline |
Question 23 |
Attitude of the teacher that affects teaching pertains to
Affective domain | |
Cognitive domain | |
Connative domain | |
Psychomotor domain |
Question 24 |
“Education is the manifestation of perfection already in man” was stated by
M. K. Gandhi | |
R. N. Tagore | |
Swami Vivekanand | |
Sri Aurobindo |
Question 25 |
Which of the following is not a prescribed level of teaching?
Memory | |
Understanding | |
Reflective | |
Differentiation |
Question 26 |
The core elements of dissertation are
Introduction; Data Collection; Data Analysis; Conclusions and Recommendations | |
Executive Summary; Literature review; Data gathered; Conclusions; Bibliography | |
Research Plan; Research Data; Analysis; References | |
Introduction; Literature Review; Research Methodology; Results; Discussion and Conclusion |
Question 27 |
What is a Research Design?
A way of conducting research that is not grounded in theory. | |
The choice between using qualitative or quantitative methods. | |
The style in which you present your research findings e.g. a graph. | |
A framework for every stage of the collection and analysis of data. |
Question 28 |
“Sampling Cases” means
Sampling using a sampling frame | |
Identifying people who are suitable for research | |
Literally the researcher’s brief case | |
Sampling of people, newspapers, television programmes etc. |
Question 29 |
The frequency distribution of a research data which is symmetrical in shape similar to a normal distribution but center peak is much higher, is
Skewed | |
Mesokurtic | |
Leptokurtic | |
Platykurtic |
Question 30 |
When planning to do a social research, it is better to
Approach the topic with an open mind | |
Do a pilot study before getting stuck into it | |
Be familiar with literature on the topic | |
Forget about theory because this is a very practical |
Question 31 |
When academicians are called to deliver lecture or presentations to an audience on certain topics or a set of topics of educational nature, it is called
Training Program | |
Seminar | |
Workshop | |
Symposium |
Question 32 |
Media is known as
First Estate | |
Second Estate | |
Third Estate | |
Fourth Estate |
Question 33 |
The mode of communication that involves a single source transmitting information to a large number of receivers simultaneously, is called
Group Communication | |
Mass Communication | |
Intrapersonal Communication | |
Interpersonal Communication |
Question 34 |
A smart classroom is a teaching space which has
(i) Smart portion with a touch panel control system.
(ii) PC/Laptop connection and DVD/VCR player.
(iii) Document camera and specialized software
(iv) Projector and screen
Select the correct answer from the codes given below:
(i) Smart portion with a touch panel control system.
(ii) PC/Laptop connection and DVD/VCR player.
(iii) Document camera and specialized software
(iv) Projector and screen
Select the correct answer from the codes given below:
(i) and (ii) only | |
(ii) and (iv) only | |
(i), (ii) and (iii) only | |
(i), (ii), (iii) and (iv) |
Question 35 |
The term “Yellow Journalism” refers toSensational news about terrorism and violence
Sensational news about terrorism and violence | |
Sensationalism and exaggeration to attract readers / viewers. | |
Sensational news about arts and culture. | |
Sensational news prints in yellow paper. |
Question 36 |
In the classroom, the teacher sends the message either as words or images. The students are really
Encoders | |
Decoders | |
Agitators | |
Propagators |
Question 37 |
The next term in the series: AB, ED, IH, NM, --- is
TS | |
ST | |
TU | |
SU |
Question 37 Explanation:

Question 38 |
If STREAMERS is coded as UVTGALDQR, then KNOWLEDGE will be coded as
MQPYLCDFD | |
MPQYLDCFD | |
PMYQLDFCD | |
YMQPLDDFC |
Question 38 Explanation:

Question 39 |
A is brother of B. B is the brother of C. C is the husband of D. E is the father of A. D is related to E as
Daughter | |
Daughter-in-law | |
Sister-in-law | |
Sister |
Question 39 Explanation:
A, B, C are Brothers.
C, D are Couple.
E is father of A then E is father to A, B, C.
E is father to C, then D is daughter-in-law to E.
C, D are Couple.
E is father of A then E is father to A, B, C.
E is father to C, then D is daughter-in-law to E.
Question 40 |
Two numbers are in the ration 3:5. If 9 is subtracted from the numbers, the ratio becomes 12:23. The numbers are
30, 50 | |
36, 60 | |
33, 55 | |
42, 70 |
Question 40 Explanation:
A : B = 3 : 5 → (1)
(A - 9) : (B - 9) = 12 : 23 → (2)
Substitute values 33, 55 then it satisfies equations (1) & (2).
Ans:- C
(A - 9) : (B - 9) = 12 : 23 → (2)
Substitute values 33, 55 then it satisfies equations (1) & (2).
Ans:- C
Question 41 |
The mean of the ages of father and his son is 27 years. After 18 years, father will be twice as old as his son. Their present ages are
42, 12 | |
40, 14 | |
30, 24 | |
36, 18 |
Question 42 |
Digital Empowerment means
(i) Universal digit literacy
(ii) Universal access to all digital resources
(iii) Collaborative digital platform for participative governance.
(iv) Probability of all entitlements for individuals through cloud.
Choose the correct answer from the codes given below:
(i) Universal digit literacy
(ii) Universal access to all digital resources
(iii) Collaborative digital platform for participative governance.
(iv) Probability of all entitlements for individuals through cloud.
Choose the correct answer from the codes given below:
(i) and (ii) only | |
(ii) and (iii) only | |
(i), (ii) and (iii) only | |
(i), (ii), (iii) and (iv) |
Question 43 |
The next term in the series: 2, 7, 28, 63, 126, --- is
215 | |
245 | |
276 | |
296 |
Question 43 Explanation:
2, 7, 28, 63, 126, 215
13+1, 23-1, 33+1, 43-1, 53+1, 63-1
13+1, 23-1, 33+1, 43-1, 53+1, 63-1
Question 44 |
Read the following passage carefully and answer questions 44 to 48:
The literary distaste for politics, however, seems to be focused not so much on the largely murky practice of politics in itself as a subject of literary representation but rather more on how it is often depicted in literature, i.e., on the very politics of such representation. A political novel often turns out to be not merely a novel about politics but a novel with a politics of its own, for it seeks not merely to show us how things are but has fairly definite ideas about how things should be, and precisely what one should think and do in order to make things move in that desired direction. In short, it seeks to convert and enlist the reader to a particular cause or ideology; it often is (in an only too familiar phrase) not literature but propaganda. This is said to violate the very spirit of literature which is to broaden our understanding of the world and the range of our sympathies rather than to narrow them down through partisan commitment. As John Keats said, ‘We hate poetry that has a palpable design upon us’.
Another reason why politics does not seem amenable to the highest kind of literary representation seems to arise from the fact that politics by its very nature is constituted of ideas and ideologies. If political situations do not lend themselves to happy literary treatment, political ideas present perhaps an even greater problem in this regard. Literature, it is argued, is about human experiences rather than about intellectual abstractions; it deals in what is called the ‘felt reality’ of human flesh and blood, and in sap and savour. (rasa) rather than in and lifeless ideas. In an extensive discussion of the matter in her book Ideas and the Novel, the American novelist Mary McCarthy observed that ‘ideas are still today felt to be unsightly in the novel’ though that was not so in ‘former days’, i.e., in the 18th and 19th centuries. Her formulation of the precise nature of the incompatibility between ideas on the one hand and the novel on the other betrays perhaps a divided conscience in the matter and a sense of dilemma shared by many writers and readers: ‘An idea cannot have loose ends, but a novel, I almost think, needs them. Nevertheless, there is enough in common for the novelists to feel... the attraction of ideas while taking up arms against them — most often with weapons of mockery.’
The constructs of politics by its nature is
The literary distaste for politics, however, seems to be focused not so much on the largely murky practice of politics in itself as a subject of literary representation but rather more on how it is often depicted in literature, i.e., on the very politics of such representation. A political novel often turns out to be not merely a novel about politics but a novel with a politics of its own, for it seeks not merely to show us how things are but has fairly definite ideas about how things should be, and precisely what one should think and do in order to make things move in that desired direction. In short, it seeks to convert and enlist the reader to a particular cause or ideology; it often is (in an only too familiar phrase) not literature but propaganda. This is said to violate the very spirit of literature which is to broaden our understanding of the world and the range of our sympathies rather than to narrow them down through partisan commitment. As John Keats said, ‘We hate poetry that has a palpable design upon us’.
Another reason why politics does not seem amenable to the highest kind of literary representation seems to arise from the fact that politics by its very nature is constituted of ideas and ideologies. If political situations do not lend themselves to happy literary treatment, political ideas present perhaps an even greater problem in this regard. Literature, it is argued, is about human experiences rather than about intellectual abstractions; it deals in what is called the ‘felt reality’ of human flesh and blood, and in sap and savour. (rasa) rather than in and lifeless ideas. In an extensive discussion of the matter in her book Ideas and the Novel, the American novelist Mary McCarthy observed that ‘ideas are still today felt to be unsightly in the novel’ though that was not so in ‘former days’, i.e., in the 18th and 19th centuries. Her formulation of the precise nature of the incompatibility between ideas on the one hand and the novel on the other betrays perhaps a divided conscience in the matter and a sense of dilemma shared by many writers and readers: ‘An idea cannot have loose ends, but a novel, I almost think, needs them. Nevertheless, there is enough in common for the novelists to feel... the attraction of ideas while taking up arms against them — most often with weapons of mockery.’
The constructs of politics by its nature is
Prevalent political situation | |
Ideas and Ideologies | |
Political propaganda | |
Understanding of human nature |
Question 45 |
Read the following passage carefully and answer questions 44 to 48:
The literary distaste for politics, however, seems to be focused not so much on the largely murky practice of politics in itself as a subject of literary representation but rather more on how it is often depicted in literature, i.e., on the very politics of such representation. A political novel often turns out to be not merely a novel about politics but a novel with a politics of its own, for it seeks not merely to show us how things are but has fairly definite ideas about how things should be, and precisely what one should think and do in order to make things move in that desired direction. In short, it seeks to convert and enlist the reader to a particular cause or ideology; it often is (in an only too familiar phrase) not literature but propaganda. This is said to violate the very spirit of literature which is to broaden our understanding of the world and the range of our sympathies rather than to narrow them down through partisan commitment. As John Keats said, ‘We hate poetry that has a palpable design upon us’.
Another reason why politics does not seem amenable to the highest kind of literary representation seems to arise from the fact that politics by its very nature is constituted of ideas and ideologies. If political situations do not lend themselves to happy literary treatment, political ideas present perhaps an even greater problem in this regard. Literature, it is argued, is about human experiences rather than about intellectual abstractions; it deals in what is called the ‘felt reality’ of human flesh and blood, and in sap and savour. (rasa) rather than in and lifeless ideas. In an extensive discussion of the matter in her book Ideas and the Novel, the American novelist Mary McCarthy observed that ‘ideas are still today felt to be unsightly in the novel’ though that was not so in ‘former days’, i.e., in the 18th and 19th centuries. Her formulation of the precise nature of the incompatibility between ideas on the one hand and the novel on the other betrays perhaps a divided conscience in the matter and a sense of dilemma shared by many writers and readers: ‘An idea cannot have loose ends, but a novel, I almost think, needs them. Nevertheless, there is enough in common for the novelists to feel... the attraction of ideas while taking up arms against them — most often with weapons of mockery.’
Literature deals with
The literary distaste for politics, however, seems to be focused not so much on the largely murky practice of politics in itself as a subject of literary representation but rather more on how it is often depicted in literature, i.e., on the very politics of such representation. A political novel often turns out to be not merely a novel about politics but a novel with a politics of its own, for it seeks not merely to show us how things are but has fairly definite ideas about how things should be, and precisely what one should think and do in order to make things move in that desired direction. In short, it seeks to convert and enlist the reader to a particular cause or ideology; it often is (in an only too familiar phrase) not literature but propaganda. This is said to violate the very spirit of literature which is to broaden our understanding of the world and the range of our sympathies rather than to narrow them down through partisan commitment. As John Keats said, ‘We hate poetry that has a palpable design upon us’.
Another reason why politics does not seem amenable to the highest kind of literary representation seems to arise from the fact that politics by its very nature is constituted of ideas and ideologies. If political situations do not lend themselves to happy literary treatment, political ideas present perhaps an even greater problem in this regard. Literature, it is argued, is about human experiences rather than about intellectual abstractions; it deals in what is called the ‘felt reality’ of human flesh and blood, and in sap and savour. (rasa) rather than in and lifeless ideas. In an extensive discussion of the matter in her book Ideas and the Novel, the American novelist Mary McCarthy observed that ‘ideas are still today felt to be unsightly in the novel’ though that was not so in ‘former days’, i.e., in the 18th and 19th centuries. Her formulation of the precise nature of the incompatibility between ideas on the one hand and the novel on the other betrays perhaps a divided conscience in the matter and a sense of dilemma shared by many writers and readers: ‘An idea cannot have loose ends, but a novel, I almost think, needs them. Nevertheless, there is enough in common for the novelists to feel... the attraction of ideas while taking up arms against them — most often with weapons of mockery.’
Literature deals with
Human experiences in politics | |
Intellectual abstractions | |
Dry and empty ideas | |
Felt reality of human life |
Question 46 |
Read the following passage carefully and answer questions 44 to 48:
The literary distaste for politics, however, seems to be focused not so much on the largely murky practice of politics in itself as a subject of literary representation but rather more on how it is often depicted in literature, i.e., on the very politics of such representation. A political novel often turns out to be not merely a novel about politics but a novel with a politics of its own, for it seeks not merely to show us how things are but has fairly definite ideas about how things should be, and precisely what one should think and do in order to make things move in that desired direction. In short, it seeks to convert and enlist the reader to a particular cause or ideology; it often is (in an only too familiar phrase) not literature but propaganda. This is said to violate the very spirit of literature which is to broaden our understanding of the world and the range of our sympathies rather than to narrow them down through partisan commitment. As John Keats said, ‘We hate poetry that has a palpable design upon us’.
Another reason why politics does not seem amenable to the highest kind of literary representation seems to arise from the fact that politics by its very nature is constituted of ideas and ideologies. If political situations do not lend themselves to happy literary treatment, political ideas present perhaps an even greater problem in this regard. Literature, it is argued, is about human experiences rather than about intellectual abstractions; it deals in what is called the ‘felt reality’ of human flesh and blood, and in sap and savour. (rasa) rather than in and lifeless ideas. In an extensive discussion of the matter in her book Ideas and the Novel, the American novelist Mary McCarthy observed that ‘ideas are still today felt to be unsightly in the novel’ though that was not so in ‘former days’, i.e., in the 18th and 19th centuries. Her formulation of the precise nature of the incompatibility between ideas on the one hand and the novel on the other betrays perhaps a divided conscience in the matter and a sense of dilemma shared by many writers and readers: ‘An idea cannot have loose ends, but a novel, I almost think, needs them. Nevertheless, there is enough in common for the novelists to feel... the attraction of ideas while taking up arms against them — most often with weapons of mockery.’
The observation of the novelist, May McCarthy reveals
The literary distaste for politics, however, seems to be focused not so much on the largely murky practice of politics in itself as a subject of literary representation but rather more on how it is often depicted in literature, i.e., on the very politics of such representation. A political novel often turns out to be not merely a novel about politics but a novel with a politics of its own, for it seeks not merely to show us how things are but has fairly definite ideas about how things should be, and precisely what one should think and do in order to make things move in that desired direction. In short, it seeks to convert and enlist the reader to a particular cause or ideology; it often is (in an only too familiar phrase) not literature but propaganda. This is said to violate the very spirit of literature which is to broaden our understanding of the world and the range of our sympathies rather than to narrow them down through partisan commitment. As John Keats said, ‘We hate poetry that has a palpable design upon us’.
Another reason why politics does not seem amenable to the highest kind of literary representation seems to arise from the fact that politics by its very nature is constituted of ideas and ideologies. If political situations do not lend themselves to happy literary treatment, political ideas present perhaps an even greater problem in this regard. Literature, it is argued, is about human experiences rather than about intellectual abstractions; it deals in what is called the ‘felt reality’ of human flesh and blood, and in sap and savour. (rasa) rather than in and lifeless ideas. In an extensive discussion of the matter in her book Ideas and the Novel, the American novelist Mary McCarthy observed that ‘ideas are still today felt to be unsightly in the novel’ though that was not so in ‘former days’, i.e., in the 18th and 19th centuries. Her formulation of the precise nature of the incompatibility between ideas on the one hand and the novel on the other betrays perhaps a divided conscience in the matter and a sense of dilemma shared by many writers and readers: ‘An idea cannot have loose ends, but a novel, I almost think, needs them. Nevertheless, there is enough in common for the novelists to feel... the attraction of ideas while taking up arms against them — most often with weapons of mockery.’
The observation of the novelist, May McCarthy reveals
Unseen felt ideas of today in the novel | |
Dichotomy of conscience on political ideas and novels | |
Compatibility between idea and novel | |
Endless idea and novels |
Question 47 |
Read the following passage carefully and answer questions 44 to 48:
The literary distaste for politics, however, seems to be focused not so much on the largely murky practice of politics in itself as a subject of literary representation but rather more on how it is often depicted in literature, i.e., on the very politics of such representation. A political novel often turns out to be not merely a novel about politics but a novel with a politics of its own, for it seeks not merely to show us how things are but has fairly definite ideas about how things should be, and precisely what one should think and do in order to make things move in that desired direction. In short, it seeks to convert and enlist the reader to a particular cause or ideology; it often is (in an only too familiar phrase) not literature but propaganda. This is said to violate the very spirit of literature which is to broaden our understanding of the world and the range of our sympathies rather than to narrow them down through partisan commitment. As John Keats said, ‘We hate poetry that has a palpable design upon us’.
Another reason why politics does not seem amenable to the highest kind of literary representation seems to arise from the fact that politics by its very nature is constituted of ideas and ideologies. If political situations do not lend themselves to happy literary treatment, political ideas present perhaps an even greater problem in this regard. Literature, it is argued, is about human experiences rather than about intellectual abstractions; it deals in what is called the ‘felt reality’ of human flesh and blood, and in sap and savour. (rasa) rather than in and lifeless ideas. In an extensive discussion of the matter in her book Ideas and the Novel, the American novelist Mary McCarthy observed that ‘ideas are still today felt to be unsightly in the novel’ though that was not so in ‘former days’, i.e., in the 18th and 19th centuries. Her formulation of the precise nature of the incompatibility between ideas on the one hand and the novel on the other betrays perhaps a divided conscience in the matter and a sense of dilemma shared by many writers and readers: ‘An idea cannot have loose ends, but a novel, I almost think, needs them. Nevertheless, there is enough in common for the novelists to feel... the attraction of ideas while taking up arms against them — most often with weapons of mockery.’
According to the passage, a political novel often turns out to be a
The literary distaste for politics, however, seems to be focused not so much on the largely murky practice of politics in itself as a subject of literary representation but rather more on how it is often depicted in literature, i.e., on the very politics of such representation. A political novel often turns out to be not merely a novel about politics but a novel with a politics of its own, for it seeks not merely to show us how things are but has fairly definite ideas about how things should be, and precisely what one should think and do in order to make things move in that desired direction. In short, it seeks to convert and enlist the reader to a particular cause or ideology; it often is (in an only too familiar phrase) not literature but propaganda. This is said to violate the very spirit of literature which is to broaden our understanding of the world and the range of our sympathies rather than to narrow them down through partisan commitment. As John Keats said, ‘We hate poetry that has a palpable design upon us’.
Another reason why politics does not seem amenable to the highest kind of literary representation seems to arise from the fact that politics by its very nature is constituted of ideas and ideologies. If political situations do not lend themselves to happy literary treatment, political ideas present perhaps an even greater problem in this regard. Literature, it is argued, is about human experiences rather than about intellectual abstractions; it deals in what is called the ‘felt reality’ of human flesh and blood, and in sap and savour. (rasa) rather than in and lifeless ideas. In an extensive discussion of the matter in her book Ideas and the Novel, the American novelist Mary McCarthy observed that ‘ideas are still today felt to be unsightly in the novel’ though that was not so in ‘former days’, i.e., in the 18th and 19th centuries. Her formulation of the precise nature of the incompatibility between ideas on the one hand and the novel on the other betrays perhaps a divided conscience in the matter and a sense of dilemma shared by many writers and readers: ‘An idea cannot have loose ends, but a novel, I almost think, needs them. Nevertheless, there is enough in common for the novelists to feel... the attraction of ideas while taking up arms against them — most often with weapons of mockery.’
According to the passage, a political novel often turns out to be a
Literary distaste for politics | |
Literary representation of politics | |
Novels with its own politics | |
Depiction of murky practice of politics |
Question 48 |
Read the following passage carefully and answer questions 44 to 48:
The literary distaste for politics, however, seems to be focused not so much on the largely murky practice of politics in itself as a subject of literary representation but rather more on how it is often depicted in literature, i.e., on the very politics of such representation. A political novel often turns out to be not merely a novel about politics but a novel with a politics of its own, for it seeks not merely to show us how things are but has fairly definite ideas about how things should be, and precisely what one should think and do in order to make things move in that desired direction. In short, it seeks to convert and enlist the reader to a particular cause or ideology; it often is (in an only too familiar phrase) not literature but propaganda. This is said to violate the very spirit of literature which is to broaden our understanding of the world and the range of our sympathies rather than to narrow them down through partisan commitment. As John Keats said, ‘We hate poetry that has a palpable design upon us’.
Another reason why politics does not seem amenable to the highest kind of literary representation seems to arise from the fact that politics by its very nature is constituted of ideas and ideologies. If political situations do not lend themselves to happy literary treatment, political ideas present perhaps an even greater problem in this regard. Literature, it is argued, is about human experiences rather than about intellectual abstractions; it deals in what is called the ‘felt reality’ of human flesh and blood, and in sap and savour. (rasa) rather than in and lifeless ideas. In an extensive discussion of the matter in her book Ideas and the Novel, the American novelist Mary McCarthy observed that ‘ideas are still today felt to be unsightly in the novel’ though that was not so in ‘former days’, i.e., in the 18th and 19th centuries. Her formulation of the precise nature of the incompatibility between ideas on the one hand and the novel on the other betrays perhaps a divided conscience in the matter and a sense of dilemma shared by many writers and readers: ‘An idea cannot have loose ends, but a novel, I almost think, needs them. Nevertheless, there is enough in common for the novelists to feel... the attraction of ideas while taking up arms against them — most often with weapons of mockery.’
A political novel reveals
The literary distaste for politics, however, seems to be focused not so much on the largely murky practice of politics in itself as a subject of literary representation but rather more on how it is often depicted in literature, i.e., on the very politics of such representation. A political novel often turns out to be not merely a novel about politics but a novel with a politics of its own, for it seeks not merely to show us how things are but has fairly definite ideas about how things should be, and precisely what one should think and do in order to make things move in that desired direction. In short, it seeks to convert and enlist the reader to a particular cause or ideology; it often is (in an only too familiar phrase) not literature but propaganda. This is said to violate the very spirit of literature which is to broaden our understanding of the world and the range of our sympathies rather than to narrow them down through partisan commitment. As John Keats said, ‘We hate poetry that has a palpable design upon us’.
Another reason why politics does not seem amenable to the highest kind of literary representation seems to arise from the fact that politics by its very nature is constituted of ideas and ideologies. If political situations do not lend themselves to happy literary treatment, political ideas present perhaps an even greater problem in this regard. Literature, it is argued, is about human experiences rather than about intellectual abstractions; it deals in what is called the ‘felt reality’ of human flesh and blood, and in sap and savour. (rasa) rather than in and lifeless ideas. In an extensive discussion of the matter in her book Ideas and the Novel, the American novelist Mary McCarthy observed that ‘ideas are still today felt to be unsightly in the novel’ though that was not so in ‘former days’, i.e., in the 18th and 19th centuries. Her formulation of the precise nature of the incompatibility between ideas on the one hand and the novel on the other betrays perhaps a divided conscience in the matter and a sense of dilemma shared by many writers and readers: ‘An idea cannot have loose ends, but a novel, I almost think, needs them. Nevertheless, there is enough in common for the novelists to feel... the attraction of ideas while taking up arms against them — most often with weapons of mockery.’
A political novel reveals
Reality of the tings | |
Writer’s perception | |
Particular ideology of the readers | |
The spirit of literature |
Question 49 |
Warrior is related to sword, carpenter is related to saw, farmer is related to plough. In the same way, the author is related to
Book | |
Fame | |
Reader | |
Pen |
Question 50 |
Given below is a diagram of three circles A, B and C over-lapping each other? The circle A represents the class of honest people, the circle B represent the class of sincere people and circle C represents the class of politicians. p, q, r, s, U, X, Y represent different regions. Select the code that represents the region indicating the class of honest politicians who are not sincere.


X | |
q | |
p | |
s |
Question 50 Explanation:
‘S’ is the region of honest politicians who are not sincere.
Question 51 |
“A man ought no more to value himself for being wiser than a woman if he owes his advantage to a better education, than he ought to boast of his courage for beating a man when his hands were tied.” The above passage is an instance of
Deductive argument | |
Hypothetical argument | |
Analogical argument | |
Factual argument |
Question 51 Explanation:
The given passage is enhance of Analogical argument.
→ Analogical arguments (or argument by analogy) are a form of induction is derived from a comparison of similarities between the two are more cases.
→ Analogical arguments (or argument by analogy) are a form of induction is derived from a comparison of similarities between the two are more cases.
Question 52 |
By which of the following proposition, the proposition “wise men are hardly afraid of death” is contradicted?
Some wise men are afraid of death. | |
All wise men are afraid of death. | |
No wise men is afraid of death. | |
Some wise men are not afraid of death. |
Question 52 Explanation:
Option ‘B’ is suitable contradicted to given proposition.
Question 53 |
When in a group of propositions, one proposition is claimed to follow from the others, that group of propositions is called
An argument | |
A valid argument | |
An explanation | |
An invalid argument |
Question 53 Explanation:
Argument:- Set of reasons given in support of an idea, theory (or) action.
Question 54 |
Namita and Samita are brilliant and studious. Anita and karabi are obedient and irregular. Babita and Namita are irregular but brilliant. Samita and Kabita are regular and obedient. Who among them is/are brilliant, obedient, regular and studious?
Samita alone | |
Namita and Samita | |
Kabita alone | |
Anita alone |
Question 55 |
For a country CO2 emissions (million metric tons) from various sectors are given in the following table. Answer the questions (55 to 60) based on the data given :

What is the percentage (%) growth of CO2 emissions from power sector during 2005 to 2009 ?

What is the percentage (%) growth of CO2 emissions from power sector during 2005 to 2009 ?
60 | |
50 | |
40 | |
80 |
Question 56 |
For a country CO2 emissions (million metric tons) from various sectors are given in the following table. Answer the questions (55 to 60) based on the data given :

By what percentage (%), the total emissions of CO 2 have increased from 2005 to 2009?

By what percentage (%), the total emissions of CO 2 have increased from 2005 to 2009?
~89.32% | |
~57.62% | |
~40.32% | |
~113.12% |
Question 57 |
For a country CO2 emissions (million metric tons) from various sectors are given in the following table. Answer the questions (55 to 60) based on the data given :

What is the average annual growth rate of CO 2 emission in power sector?

What is the average annual growth rate of CO 2 emission in power sector?
~12.57% | |
~16.87% | |
~30.81% | |
~50.25% |
Question 58 |
For a country CO2 emissions (million metric tons) from various sectors are given in the following table. Answer the questions (55 to 60) based on the data given :

What is the percentage contribution of power sector to total CO 2 emission in the year 2008?

What is the percentage contribution of power sector to total CO 2 emission in the year 2008?
~30.82% | |
~41.18% | |
~51.38% | |
~60.25% |
Question 59 |
For a country CO2 emissions (million metric tons) from various sectors are given in the following table. Answer the questions (55 to 60) based on the data given :

In which year, the contribution (%) of industry to total sectoral CO 2 emission was minimum?

In which year, the contribution (%) of industry to total sectoral CO 2 emission was minimum?
2005 | |
2006 | |
2007 | |
2008 |
Question 60 |
For a country CO2 emissions (million metric tons) from various sectors are given in the following table. Answer the questions (55 to 60) based on the data given :

Which sector has recorded maximum growth in CO 2 emission during 2005 to 2009?

Which sector has recorded maximum growth in CO 2 emission during 2005 to 2009?
Power | |
Industry | |
Commercial | |
Agriculture |
There are 60 questions to complete.